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Lt. Farran
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21st May
Student's plan for day 2 was summarized by Davin as "..to fly in
ammunition for the troops already at Maleme, to land the remainder of the
available paratroops and attack with them, and as soon as the airfield was
taken to fly in a battalion of 5 Mountain Division. In case
this should not be possible, III Battalion 100 Mountain Regiment of
5 Mountain Division was to go with 1 Motor Sailing Flotilla. |
| The
aircraft with the ammunition supply for the beleaguered paratroops landed at
Maleme around 07:00 on the 21st. Although the flight had proved that it
was possible to fly into Maleme, the decision was taken to consolidate the
German position around the airfield before sending in any more troops.
Ramke and the rest of his men made their landings in the late afternoon and
early evening, and as with all the other drops and landings, many died before
they had any chance to be effective. Ramke now had some 1800 men under his
command, and anticipated more reinforcements from the sea. He hoped soon
to go onto the offensive. |

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Troops of the Mountain
Division boarding for the flight to Crete.
Photo came from
Macdonald's book, copyright is with IWM.
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A summary of messages from
Naval Sources (WO106/3241) "Message
from SNO (Senior Naval Officer) Suda Bay. Situation at 08:00
hours BST 21st May. A night of alarms of sea-borne landings in which
the fear was father to the thought and the presence of our own naval
forces forgotten." |
Meanwhile, in Athens and Germany, politics and the
needs of Barbarossa came together to see the active command of the invasion of
Crete taken from General Student and given over to General Ringel. The
slippage in the timetable for the successful taking of objectives on Crete, and
the continued need for the involvement of the Luftwaffe were causing concern
that they may impact the timetable for the invasion of Russia. It had
always been a requirement that the invasion of Crete must not impact Barbarossa. |
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| As has been previously detailed, Andrew's 22
Battalion had withdrawn from their positions on and around Maleme airfield
and around 3 a.m. on the 21st there was a conference between Andrew, Lt.
Col. Allen (21 Battn.) and Lt. Col. Leckie (23 Battn.) to decide what to
do next. At this point an officer had been sent to update Hargest on
the 22 Battalion situation, and they were the only battalion of the three
who had seen any serious action. However, the decision of the
meeting was to 'hold our positions next day'. This was a crucial
decision; the Germans had expected a counter-attack, that would have been
the 'right' thing to do and fitted in with Freyberg's initial plan of
defence for strong and rapid counter-attacks, and the opportunity for
launching these attacks was diminishing. |
| One of the failings of Hargest's command had
been his failure or reluctance to position his HQ in the area of 23
Battalion, close to the critical Maleme airfield. This would have
put him closer to the action and allowed him to make a timely assessment
of the situation on the ground. One would like to think that had
that been the situation he would have seen the need for a counter-attack,
as it was these crucial decisions were left to his juniors. They in
turn were closer to the action, they had seen that 22 Battalion had
been forced to withdraw, they were impressed by the speed of the German
assault, and had forgotten that the defence was predicated on immediate
counter-attack and the importance of holding Maleme. Hargest's
unwillingness to go forward continued when Andrew's officer/messenger
arrived to appraise him of the situation, instead of returning with him
Hargest sent his Brigade Major, Captain Dawson, to join Andrew and the
other battalion commanders. |
|
| As the morning of the 21st wore on Hargest came
to realize the importance and need for the counter-attack and made this
view known to Division in a message at 11.15 that morning. However,
Hargest gave it as his view that the attack would need only two
battalions, 28 and one other. The need to commit heavily when
contemplating a counter-attack was missing from Hargest's
assessment. The most important of the island's airfields was in
German hands, 22 Battalion had been forced to withdraw, the planned
counter-attack would be at night because of the problem of German fighter
cover, yet it was not to be an all-out attack. Why did Puttick and
Freyberg concur, the reason may be that the threat of a sea invasion was
still considered by Freyberg to be the major threat to the island, and
that invasion had not arrived. |
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Freyberg
needed to regain control of the airfield at Maleme if he was to be able to stop
the German invasion. To do this he agreed to the risky strategy above.
He would attack with only two battalions, at night, and one of these battalions,
the 20th New Zealand (the other was the Maori 28th Battalion), had to come from the western side of Chania. The
transport needed for this move would not be available until the New Zealanders
were relieved by an Australian battalion coming from Georgioupoli, the New
Zealanders would then take over the transport from the Australians. As
this handover was not expected to happen until around midnight, it would be
quite late before they could arrive for the planned attack. An additional
problem was the start line for the assault. The forces currently in place
around Maleme had German units on their right flank along the coastal area from
Maleme to Platanias. This meant that the new forces would need to traverse
an area held or covered by the Germans before they could come up with those
units they were supporting. Signal from
Freyberg to Wavell, 22 May. "The
position at Heraklion is that the enemy appears to have penetrated the
town but, as far as can be ascertained, the aerodrome holds. At
Retimo we are still in a position to deny the enemy the use of the landing
ground but the garrison is being attacked from the east. A
successful counter-attack was carried out this morning. At Suda we
are occupying a perimeter defence and are in fill possession of all our
base organisation. The position at Maleme is
less secure. the enemy has made tremendous efforts to knock us out
and I am bringing in help from Georgiopolis. Owing to severe bombing
and heavy casualties one battalion withdrew from the defences in the
immediate vicinity of Maleme aerodrome during the night of 20-21
May. Early in the day we still commanded the landing area with
machine-gun, trench mortar, and artillery fire. However, at 9:15
a.m. the enemy dropped approximately 500 parachutists just west of the
aerodrome, also another lot in the vicinity of the enemy's main
concentration at the prison and on the road five miles south west of
Canea. At 4:15 p.m. 500 parachutists dropped behind the aerodrome
defences and our field guns were put out of action by air action. At
5 p.m. thirty planes landed on the aerodrome and others on the
beaches. I am hoping to reinforce Maleme tonight but the situation is
now obscure and, I feel, perhaps precarious. Everybody here is
determined to fight hard. Do all you can to damage the surface of
the aerodrome." |
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Permission
of the Alexander Turnbull Library, National Library of New Zealand
Te Puna Mätauranga o Aotearoa, must be obtained before any re-use
of this image. |
|
German AA
gun-crew at Maleme airfield while transport Ju52s continue to come
in. |
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Allied counter
attack, 22 May |
The move of the 20th NZ did not go to plan. The Australian
battalion had suffered air attacks and delay on their way to Chania, so the New
Zealanders did not reach their start point for the attack until nearly
03:00. The Maoris had been at their start point for some 3 hours, and the
slow movement of the Australians to hand over their transport to the New
Zealanders would result in the attack going ahead with only two companies (C
& D) of the 20th Battalion. While the hand over had been taking place in Chania between the two
battalions, the flotilla of sea borne reinforcements for Von der Heydte at
Maleme was intercepted and destroyed by the British fleet. The
following is a quote from Sandy Thomas's book, 'Dare to be Free'; he was
with 23 Battalion. "We waited all that
day, and all the next night for the expected orders to execute our planned
role of the counter-attack on the aerodrome at Maleme. We knew te
22nd Battalion was in grave peril there and that the main weight of the
attack had come in against them. But, even when two companies, sent
up for reinforcements, returned to report the position confused, no orders
were forthcoming. It was not until early the next morning, when the
men of the 22nd Battalion began to stream into our lines, that I realised
the order never would be given. Yet, without any doubt, the
initiative up to that time was ours for the asking. From that time
the tide of battle began to swing in favour of the side with enterprise,
and as that side was building up each hour and had such aerial supremacy
as was never to be seen again, I began to see that the Battle of Crete
might go against us. I felt very bitter."
It
is worth expanding a little on these delays. Freyberg had all along
been troubled by the threatened sea invasion which he believed to be the
main thrust rather than the air drops. After the war he said "We for our part were mostly
preoccupied by seaborne landings, not by the threat of air
landings". Because of this concern he was not prepared to allow
20 Battalion to leave their position around Canea until they were relieved
by the Australians (2/7 Battalion) from Georeoupolis, and he ordered
Puttick (C.O. NZ Division) accordingly. Unfortunately as mentioned
above the Australians were delayed en-route by bombing and the result was
the five companies became spread out. According to Major Burrows
(C.O. 20 Battalion) it was around 1 a.m. on the 22nd before the
Australians had all arrived and completed the relief of his
battalion. Meanwhile Hargest at 5 brigade HQ was concerned that 20
Battalion were not arriving, his original plan had been for the advance of
the two battalions to start at 1 a.m. (the time at which 20 were being
relieved by the Australians). Hargest was not aware of Freyberg's
requirement for the full relief of 20 Battalion before they could move;
"I did not know that the 20th had to be relieved by Australians, then
embus and come 6 miles to me. I was not told till very late." The
frustration of those involved in the counter-attack was made worse by the
fact that they could see and hear the flashes of gunshot out to sea that
were the obvious hallmarks of the Royal Navy preventing the expected sea
invasion. Requests to Puttick to move the 20th forward before their
relief by 2/7 because of the events at sea, were turned down. It is
a pity that Freyberg did not have more faith in the Navy's ability to deal
with any seaborne force. They had destroyed the Italians at Matapan
and evacuated Freyberg's men from Greece; they had a track record. [Note: Von
der Heydte was a Colonel on D-Day and would
be part of the force defending behind Utah Beach. He appears again
at Arnhem where he commands one of the units
facing 101st Airborne. He was also at Eban
Emael] |
| From SBNO Suda Bay
(WO106/3241)
Several further heavy raids
on Suda Bay. GSLK (Logician) hit. Military holding defensive
position east of Maleme. Field guns have been lost. Retimo no
change. Heraklion further enemy landings. Blenheims gave great
encouragement. |
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| The upshot of the delay was that at 2.45 a.m.
two companies of 20 Battalion had arrived at the start line, with no sign
of the rest of the battalion, dawn would be coming up soon. Hargest
could see his plan falling apart somewhat by now; "I rang Div HQ and
asked must the attack go on - "It must" was the reply, and so on
it went - Too late." The Official NZ History makes the point
that Hargest, in making his request, did not seem to appreciate the
importance of holding Maleme. "In making
this suggestion Hargest was probably looking at the situation solely from
the point of view in his own sector. He does not seem to have
realised that Maleme was now the vital point for the defence of the whole
island; and indeed it may be that Creforce and Division are to blame for
not having made this clear to him."
The history also takes a view on Freyberg's decision not to release the
20th earlier. "The only real point for
argument, therefore, is whether or not Freyberg and Puttick should have
released 20 Battalion before the relief. As events turned out it was
disastrous not to do so. But in a fair view it will be remembered
how much importance naturally attached itself to the invasion by sea, and
how difficult it must have been for a commander responsible for the
defence of the coast to assume confidently that the Navy would be able to
find and destroy the convoys sneaking across in the dark from the
mainland."
While accepting the point that it must have been difficult for Freyberg
it is also fair (but I admit hindsight is a wonderful thing) to suggest
that if the vital importance of regaining Maleme was not so apparent to
Freyberg, then his whole defence of Crete was at risk. With no real
naval force available to them, the Germans were reliant on the airfields,
Maleme especially, for support and re-supply. Even if the sea
invasion had succeeded it would have been sorely knocked about, as
Freyberg could see and hear, so the ground forces who were landed would
also need re-supply and support via the airfield. |
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At 03:30 the
attack went ahead. [See the account by a New Zealander, Tom
Beel.] The 20th, under Brigadier Burrows, advanced on the seaward side of the road,
and were tasked to clear the airfield, while the Maori Battalion (28th),
under Colonel Dittmer, was to retake Hill 107. The attack was supported by three
light tanks led by Lt. Farran.
The 20th met stiff resistance but did make slow progress. The Maoris on
their left made better progress as many of the Germans they had expected to meet
had earlier withdrawn to the north, and were now hindering the 20th in their
advance. When the two forces of Burrow and Dittmer met it was starting to
get light. They decided that C Company (of 20th) would go for the north of
Pirgos village, while D Company would attack the eastern edge of the
airfield. The Maoris would make their direct assault on Hill 107.
The tanks would go pretty much through the centre towards Pirgos, unfortunately
they were quickly disabled making the C Company advance into the village very
difficult. Although the forces were advancing the failure of Hargest and
Puttick to commit all available forces in the area to the attack was now causing
the gains to be squandered. Dittmer tried to get Leckie and Andrews with
their 23rd and 22nd Battalions to support him and Burrows. They declined,
preferring to hold the ground they had. The counter attack had come to a
halt. During the time that all this was going on Brigadier Hargest was signaling
Division that he thought the Germans might be withdrawing! Despite bitter fighting, the advance of the 20th turned into a
withdrawal. It would be a similar scenario for the 21st. Although
they initially made good progress towards Hill 107, by the afternoon they were
forced to withdraw to Vineyard Ridge.
'Sandy' Thomas comments in his book that the men of the 23rd Battalion
"ex-farmers, ex-miners, ex-bank clerks who had come so far to do the job,
felt sullenly critical of the powers that were withdrawing them." All through these actions
the troops had been suffering from the poor communications that were to
plague them on Crete. Companies could not stay in touch with
themselves, or their Battalion HQ, and similarly, battalion could not stay
in touch with Brigade. This poor communication, and Hargest's
optimistic nature must have been the cause of the signals he sent that
morning which did not reflect the situation on the ground; "Steady
flow of enemy planes landing and taking off. May be trying to take
troops off. Investigating." "From
general quietness and because eleven fires have been lit on drome it
appears as though enemy might be preparing evacuation. .... Do any other
reports from other sources show further evidence of
this?" "Reliable
reports state aerodrome occupied by own troops line now held EAST side of
drome." He would later that day take a different tone; "Recent
messages make position confused. .... Officers on ground
believe enemy preparing for attack and take serious view. I disagree
but of course they have closer view." With our mobile
phones, internet, CNN etc we forget that communications were not always so
easy and direct. There is a telling comment in the 20 Battalion
history. "...The message should have been
delivered at 10pm the night before. We were lucky to get it at
all. Here was a case where we suffered through lack of modern
equipment. A battalion fully equipped should carry portable wireless
sets. We had none. The Germans had swags of them." |
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At the same time as the Germans were
fighting off the counter attack at Maleme, they were attacking strongly at
Galatas, South West of Chania, and threatening to cut the Chania-Maleme coast
road. The attacks came from forces under Colonel Heidrich as cover for
some of his forces who were trying to make contact with those under
Ramcke. These attacks met stiff opposition from poorly armed Greek
forces. However, during 23rd May Heidrich's forces were able to join up
with those on the coast road. |
All through the day Ramcke's reinforcements were being flown into
Maleme, despite the attack on the airfield. However, a large number of the
transports were destroyed on the ground. With the strengthening of the
German forces, General Ringel was flown into Maleme on the evening of the
22nd. Control of the Battle for Crete had now definitely moved from
General Student, who had lost the confidence of the German High Command. |
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| The two photos
below are reconnaissance photos taken on the 26th May, they are from file
AIR 40/1402 in the National Archives in Kew. There is another photo
in the file from 23 May and a comparison shows the build up of aircraft on
the ground at Maleme. Unfortunately I did not copy that from the
23rd. The second of the two photos is a blow up of the southern
corner of the airfield. Some of them will be glidrs while others
will be JU52 transports. Although they do not show well in this
reproduction, there are also some in the river valley to the west of the
airfield. |
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5th Brigade withdrawn. By
early evening on the 22 May Freyberg had decided that he wanted a second counter
attack to be made by 5 Brigade, who would be strengthened by two battalions from
4th Brigade. Circumstances would prevent this. Hargest, who had not
yet visited his troops at the front was pessimistic about the chances of this
second attack succeeding, he sent a message to Division; "... troops had
been severely attacked, were considerably exhausted, and certainly not fit
to make a further attack". Also, Puttick was less in favour of moving two
battalions from 4th Brigade as he was concerned about German activity in Prison
Valley and around Galatas and that it might cut off 5th Brigade from 4th
Brigade. Freyberg allowed himself to be persuaded and
5th Brigade were pulled back from Maleme towards 4th Brigade, completing the
move during the night of the 23/24th. Ringel could now consolidate
his hold on Maleme, and the Maleme/Chania coast road, and join up with the
forces in the Galatas are. Freyberg had always said that control of the airfields
was crucial to the control of Crete. By allowing the counter attack to go
ahead without committing his troops in sufficient strength, and then canceling
the second attack, he had allowed that
control to go to the Germans. This effectively lost the island. |
|
| From H.Q. RAF M.E.
11:16 25/5 (WO106/3241) |
| 5 South African Marylands
bombed Maleme on 23/5 |
| 23/5 7 Hurricanes were
sent to Crete of which one was destroyed on Heraklion aerodrome by
ME109s. 2 Hurricanes machine gunned enemy MG post near
Heraklion. In early morning 24/5 1 Hurricane returned Egypt with 1
pilot of destroyed Hurricane on board. Remaining 5 Hurricanes after
machine gunning enemy MG posts near Heraklion and carrying out offensive
patrol over Canea departed for Egypt. 1 Hurricane crashed near Ras
El Kenaiys pilot safe. Further 2 Hurricanes missing. |
| Night May 23/24......9
Wellingtons bombed enemy aircraft on beach and aerodrome at Maleme
destroying 1 large aircraft and starting large fire on aerodrome....3
Wellingtons missing. |
| Night 24/25 1 Wellington
dropped medical stores for our forces in Retimo area. |
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| From SBNO Suda Bay 09:11
24/5 (WO106/3241)
...situation Heraklion Greeks
hold town very short of ammunition. Town heavily bombed yesterday. |
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| By the 25th the signal traffic between Wavell (C-in-C Middle East) and
London were indicating that things were not going too well;
1. Suda Bay is our main base. It is also
essential to the enemy. Our immediate objective is to prevent the
enemy from securing Suda Bay, he may have upwards of 10,000 men in contact
with our troops holding Canea and Suda.
2. At Retimo and Heraklion parachutists having
failed to clear the way for air transports have cut the northern coast
road but it is hoped to open the road Heraklion-Suda for passage of
reinforcements to Suda though our efforts have so far failed.
Although the enemy is making his main effort between Maleme and Suda there
is still a danger of sea or airborne landings at Retimo and Heraklion
which cannot therefore be altogether denuded of garrison even were the
road open to reinforce Suda.
3. Our forces at Canea and Suda are approx. equal
in numbers to the enemy but he has the very considerable advantage of air
supremacy and can support his attacks by continuous and heavy
bombardments. (WO 106/3243) |
|
After
the success at Galatas Inglis believed it had to be followed up by a strong
counter attack. For this he needed additional troops. He called a
conference during the night of the 25th, and invited Puttick as he needed him to
release the additional forces he required. Again Puttick did not attend
but sent one of his staff, Colonel Gentry. Gentry vetoed the counter
attack as they felt they had no more reserves if they were used in the
attack. So Galatas had to be abandoned after it had been so hard
won. The sad fact was that while Puttick's New Zealand Brigades only had
the 28th Battalion as a reserve, the British under General Weston around Suda
bay certainly had some. These British forces were kept under the command
of British officers. On the 26th Freyberg did assign some of Weston's
forces to Inglis to relieve 5th Brigade, but by then it was too late.
Puttick had already decided for himself that withdrawal was necessary, and went
to discuss this with Freyberg. The command situation became further
confused when Puttick arrived at HQ and was told that Weston was now in command
of the forward area, and Puttick reported to Weston. |
| H.Q. RAF M.E.
(WO106/3241) |
| May 25 Hurricane and fighter
Blenheims operating from Egypt endeavoured to machine gun Maleme aerodrome
at dawn but prevented by mist. One Hurricane force landed
Heraklion. During morning three squadrons of Blenheims one of
Marylands and a number of Hurricanes heavily bombed and machine gunned
enemy aircraft on Maleme aerodrome and neighbouring fields destroying
estimated total 24 including JU52s and fighters. |
| .....three Blenheims which
left to bomb Maleme in afternoon did not return. Further six
Blenheims bombed Maleme in evening. |
| Reports of RAF operations
reported to have encouraged Imperial troops enormously. |
By the morning of the
26th Freyberg had decided that all was lost, it was all down to retreat
and evacuation now. In the early hours of the 27th May orders went out
to retreat to the south coast, to the little fishing village of Sfakia. |
| C-in-C Middle East to War
Office 15:30 26/5 Sitrep 262 (WO106/3241)
Crete 25 May ......our
line was forced to yield somewhat and attempts are now being made to
stabilise position. Situation remains obscure but causes anxiety. |
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